Syria’s heritage is built on a long history of trade, cultural exchange, and religious coexistence—it is known for its contributions to spiritual life, scholarship, art, and diplomacy. Syria has long been a spiritual heartland, shaping the foundations of both Christianity and Islam. In fact, it was on the road to Damascus that Saul became Paul, and centuries later Damascus rose as the center of the Umayyad Caliphate—making Syria a land of enduring spiritual and historical significance.

However, Syria’s modern history is marked by authoritarianism, conflict, and sectarian divide. Now, after the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024, Syria—once celebrated as a crossroads of civilization–faces a new crossroads of its own. As Syria moves forward in this time of uncertainty, it must confront its recent, horrific history, and the international community has a responsibility to acknowledge every part of the Syrian story.

Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024, sectarian tensions in Syria have increased, and attacks on Alawites, Druze, and Christians have revealed the deep sectarian tensions. While these concerns are very real, they tell only part of the story. For decades, the Assad regime portrayed itself as the protector of minorities. It used a combination of Alawite loyalty and the selective integration of Sunnis into the military and security forces to project an image of inclusivity. While some Sunnis expressed deep loyalty to Assad, the regime systematically oppressed the majority—particularly those who advocated for political change or supported opposition efforts—creating deep divisions within the Sunni community.

Although many were aware of widespread oppression, it was not until December 2024, when the Assad regime fell, that the world saw the brutal reality of the atrocities. At least 202,021 civilians were killed, approximately 160,123 were arbitrarily detained or forcibly disappeared, and at least 45,031 people died under torture—numbers that are subject to change as investigations proceed. What is often left out is that the vast majority of these victims were Sunni. Around 80-90% of detainees and those being forcibly disappeared were Sunni males. This reflected the regime’s focus on opposition groups but also its political agenda, which largely impacted Sunni communities and reinforced sectarian imbalances. Even today, as the story unfolds, mass graves are still being uncovered, revealing the extent of the regime’s terror. Families have been separated, entire neighborhoods destroyed, over 13 million fled their homes–the vast majority Sunni.

Adding to this injustice, Western narratives have also laid the groundwork for the sectarian tensions we see today. Western coverage often focused on the persecution of minorities, specifically Christians, fitting neatly into the West’s political agenda and “war on terror.” At the same time, Western media largely ignored the suffering of the Sunni majority. Journalists and commentators frequently described attacks on Sunni civilians as “violence against Syrians,” obscuring the reality that most of Assad’s victims were innocent Sunni civilians calling for political reform. At the same time, the Islamic State (ISIS) started making its way into the Western media, dominating headlines. While ISIS committed horrific acts, its scale of violence in Syria does not even compare to the systematic killings, torture, and disappearances carried out by the Assad regime. While ISIS did target minorities, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, the majority of those killed in Syria were Sunnis, particularly those who opposed ISIS authority.

Even today, as I sit in seminars, Sunni communities are rarely acknowledged in international discussions about Syria. Panels and policy discussions about religious freedom and pluralism focus on the safety of Christians, Alawites, Druze, and Kurds, which are legitimate concerns, but the Sunni majority is often unrecognized. When they are brought up, they are typically grouped with extremism. Once again, leaving the Sunni majority misunderstood and their suffering remains unacknowledged by the international community, causing deeper tensions between Syria’s communities. Syria’s people deserve a society that reflects the full diversity of its population, where freedom of religion and pluralism apply to everyone—not just those the West chooses to center. The international community must confront its own simplifications to recognize the full spectrum of Syria’s sectarian wounds—and acknowledge the Sunni experience as central to rebuilding justice, pluralism, and truth.

The new transitional government under Ahmad al-Sharaa does raise legitimate concerns among minorities. Still, for the Sunni majority, it offers a season of hope and an opportunity to reclaim justice. The West has long promoted pluralism and religious freedom abroad, yet, like in many cases in Syria, it has often highlighted the stories that fit its narrative. We need to take our own advice and view Syria through a pluralistic lens, acknowledging the experiences of all communities and ensuring that every Syrian voice is incorporated into the international conversation. For me, this research has become more than an academic pursuit – it has forced me to confront my own complacency in our political climate, in the face of the courage of those resisting the Assad regime. Despite years of violence and systematic oppression, the Syrian people continue to show remarkable resilience and an example from which we can all draw inspiration.

Author: Jessalyn Wienk