This summer, I have delved deeply into the intersection of immigration, integration, and religion in the EU-Mediterranean framework. This is a crucial region for these discussions in the past few decades due to the migration “crisis” and increased interconnectedness. In my paper, I explore four countries that have been affected and looked to as positive and negative examples of handling these topics: France, Greece, Italy, and Spain. Each holds a significant place in the European Union and the EU-Mediterranean relationship, hosting millions of immigrants and representing a range of policies and attitudes on religion. Comparing them not only exposes the fallbacks in each country when dealing with migrant populations but highlights opportunities for increased interfaith communication and tolerance.
A crucial element in the way each country approaches immigration, integration, and religion is its view of national identity. As discussed in the previous blog, France considers its identity through a largely secular lens derived from a deep-rooted tradition of laïcité. This value drives policy that pushes religion to the private sector, taking away the ability of Muslim communities to congregate, establish faith-based communities, and live fully in their religious identities.
In contrast, the Spanish national identity is less monolithic, shaped by significant regional differences (Basques, Catalans, etc.) and the Francoist legacy, effectively connotating nationalism with the dictatorship. Partially due to its pluralistic history and lack of solidified national identity, Spain tends to enact more inclusive integrative policies, transforming it into a “preferred destination country” for immigrants. 83% of Muslims consider themselves adapted to life in Spain, reflecting the country’s relatively welcoming stance (1).
Italy presents a different picture regarding national identity in that many Italians view Roman Catholicism as a crucial element of Italian history and cultural identity. Combined with the political power of Giorgia Meloni’s populist Fratelli d’Italia, this entrenchment of religion in national identity has fueled more restrictive integration policies that marginalize Muslim communities. Interestingly, these efforts have not necessarily succeeded in eroding Islamic practices: studies find that Muslim immigrants have increased rates of religiosity and transmission, demonstrating resilience in response to xenophobia, discrimination, and the dominance of far-right parties.
Greece’s conception of national identity also rests heavily on religion, with Greek Orthodoxy being not only baked into the fabric of Greek life but also enshrined in the Constitution as their prevailing religion. This has resulted in an attitude of resistance towards immigrants, a population especially high in Greece, given its proximity to the southern Mediterranean countries. However, as Greek society grows gradually more distant from traditional Greek Orthodoxy, balancing national identity with multiculturalism and secularism creates a challenge.
The experiences of France, Greece, Italy, and Spain underscore how national identity influences immigration and integration policies, shaping the landscape of religious coexistence in diverse ways. Each country demonstrates a conception of national identity that differs in levels of religiosity and attachment from the general public, particularly highlighting the drawbacks of nationalism. While we cannot call upon countries to phase religion out of their national and cultural identities, awareness of how they are fused can assist governments and their people in developing more inclusive attitudes and shaping more progressive integration policies.
Author: Natalie Dolenga
Read the full paper here: “Immigration & Integration in the EU-Mediterranean Relationship: How Mediterranean Policy Impacts Religion in the EU”
1. “Migration and Religious Diversity in Spain.” Freiheit.org, https://www.freiheit.org/spain-italy-portugal-and-mediterranean-dialogue/migration-and-religious-diversity-spain.