The Rumi Forum hosted former Ambassador of the United States to Ethiopia and Burkina Faso, David Shinn, in a discussion on non-western nations’ involvement in investing in Africa, and what role those countries play in influencing the continents’ affairs.

 

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Summary:

The Rise of Non-Western Influence in Africa

Rumi Forum is delighted to have hosted Ambassador David Shinn to share his overview of non-Western influences in Africa.  Ambassador Shinn, a Senior Diplomat and adjunct professor with George Washington University, gave an informative survey of the influences of five rising powers; China, India, Russia, Brazil, and Iran.

Ambassador Shinn opened his remarks by underscoring the breadth of growing non-Western influence, noting that nations such as Turkey, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia have all recently experienced increasing influence.  Shinn also emphasized that other regions have broadened in their roles as host to various expressions of non-Western international interaction as well.

China

Ambassador Shinn categorizes China’s main interests in asserting its influence into four groups: “access to natural resources, interest in political support, ending Taiwan’s diplomatic presence in Africa, and developing a larger African market for Chinese exports”.  He addressed each of these four key interests in more detail.

Ambassador Shinn notes that a significant portion of China’s oil imports come from Africa.  Significantly, other African resources (such as cobalt) represent a significant portion of China’s net imports of those resources.  Ambassador Shinn asserts that China’s unprecedented growth is bolstered by resource imports from Africa and other regions and therefore would be significantly hindered were those imports reduced.  Because China’s growth is contingent upon maintaining access to resources, Shinn notes that China is “looking at the African sourcing of these materials as a long term strategic issue”.

Politics are another key element in China’s interest.  China, asserts Shinn, is interested in increasing its prestige by building a positive relationship with African nations, particularly those with UN membership.  Such a relationship would afford China increased leverage in international policymaking.  China’s political interests in Africa also address Taiwan’s diplomatic presence there.  Though only four African nations recognize Taiwan, China seeks to gain those nations’ recognition.

The fourth motive Ambassador Shinn summarized was China’s economic interests in Africa, such as its desire to grow a market for Chinese exports.  At the time of our discussion, China was Africa’s second most prominent trade partner; in 2009, as Shinn predicted, China rose to become Africa’s premier trade partner.  There are conflicts in China’s trade relationship with Africa: those nations lacking resources have incurred sizeable trade deficits in their trade with China.  Trade with China is viewed favorably among resourced nations and critically among nations experiencing deficits.

Ambassador Shinn also highlighted China’s significant investments on the continent.  Though the net value of these investments is unclear, we know they represent only a small fraction of Chinese investment overall.  Though Chinese aid to Africa is modest, Shinn argues that the existence of this relationship is significant.  China has a long history of conducting medical aid efforts in Africa, and now supports peace organization there.  Correspondingly, they provide African nations aid as low-interest loans (often used for infrastructure development).  In doing so, China invests in its own economy, as Chinese construction companies are often employed in these infrastructure projects.

Overall, Shinn emphasizes that China’s strength in Africa is intrastate relations.  China maintains numerous embassies there, and in contrast to the US and other western nations, frequently interacts with African leaders to maintain positive diplomacy.  Public relations between the nations have also developed through various channels.

There are a number of issues negatively impacting Chinese influence in Africa: the lack of support by African democracies, human rights criticisms, transparency concerns, corruption, environmental concerns, poor labor practices, China’s reluctance to provide training and support to African manufacturing, and inadequate arms export control.

India

Ambassador Shinn asserts that India is China’s biggest competitor in Africa, stating that “it is probably more of a direct challenge to China in Africa than is the US or even Europe”.  Though its economic relations are modest compared to China’s, it has numerous advantages, including proximity, the appeal of democracy, a common language, the popularity of Indian culture, and an appealing private sector. India also pursues, Shinn adds, a ‘no strings attached’ policy with Africa that enables African nations to build a formalized relationship with them, regardless of their human rights record.  India also pursues a duty free tariff preference scheme on exports from poorer African nations, and technical and educational training for Africans, while also maintaining a strong security relationship with various African nations.

Brazil

Ambassador Shinn also discussed Brazil’s relationship with Africa.  Shinn notes that the relationship is facilitated by Brazil’s numerous African-descent citizens and its natural relationship with Portuguese speaking countries in Africa.  Brazil maintains embassies in many African nations; the president of Brazil has encouraged good relations by visiting the continent frequently since 2003.  Additionally, Shinn noted the India Brazil South Africa Dialogue Forum, which has contributed Africa and Brazil’s security relationship.

Brazil’s economic involvement in Africa remains behind China’s.  Its involvement is nevertheless significant.  Brazil seeks African markets for products and investment, and depends on African resources for economic expansion.

Politically, Brazil pursues African support in its attempts to gain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

Russia

Ambassador Shinn first discussed the historical context of Russian influence in Africa.  After the Cold War, Russian engagement in Africa declined; they could not compete with US and Chinese regional influence.  The war’s end (followed by economic collapse) decreased Russian interest in Africa.  Despite this, Russia has maintained an impressive embassy structure in Africa.

Shinn notes that Russian influence in Africa is resurfacing.  Official visits by Russian leaders emphasize its renewed interest.

Economically, Russia’s renewed interest in the continent is clear.  Business, Shinn observes, is the primary concern; Russia has resumed arms sales to Africa and has sought increased business relations in other sectors.  In addition, Russia has contributed UN peacekeepers in recent conflicts as a form of aid.

Iran

Ambassador Shinn observes that Iran’s influence on the continent has increased since 2001.  The Ambassador attributes this to Iran’s isolation by western nations and its tradition of limiting Israel’s international influence.  Like Russia, China, and Brazil, Iran encourages diplomacy in Africa by meeting with African leaders.  Iran is also endeavoring to increase ties with northeast African nations.

Politically, Iran seeks public declarations of support for its nuclear programs from African nations.

To conclude, Ambassador Shinn reminded us that many of the nations discussed are also gaining influence in other parts of the world, and that Africa is one developing region out of many that can be examined in terms of recent changes in influence.

Biography:

Ambassador David Shinn has been teaching as an adjunct professor in the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University for the past ten years. He served for thirty-seven years as a Foreign Service officer in the State Department with overseas assignments in Lebanon, Kenya, Tanzania, Mauritania, Cameroon, Sudan and as ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia. He has published extensively on issues related to the Horn of Africa and is currently writing a book on China-Africa relations. He has a PhD from GWU